2.5.1.15 Wandering

 0 Contents 2 Background 2.5 Societal 2.5.1 Europe

Goth Vandals 2.5.1.17

2.5.1.16 Germani

Introduction

Nordic Bronze Age
Linguists calculate that Proto-Germanic was spoken around 500 BC.11Donald A. Ringe, A Linguistic History of English: From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic (2006), p.67. A language develops within a communicating group. In the days before modern transport and the nation state, a communicating group could not cover a vast territory. The area in which Proto-Germanic evolved was far smaller than the spread of its daughter languages today. We would expect a linguistic boundary to also be a cultural boundary. So the finger points at the Nordic Bronze Age (1730-500 BC) as the cradle of Proto-Germanic.

It was a comfortable cradle for many a year. The Nordic Bronze Age began in a welcoming warmth. An earlier climate shift made Southern Scandinavia as warm as present-day central Germany. Groups of people from the widespread Corded Ware and Bell Beaker Cultures had moved north into Jutland and the coasts of what are now Norway and Sweden.12H. Vandkilde, A Review of the Early Late Neolithic Period in Denmark: Practice, Identity and Connectivity online in www.jungsteinsite.de 15 December 2005. There they melded with descendants of the Funnel Beaker and Ertebølle people into a rich Bronze Age culture. The wealth and technical excellence of its bronze objects is impressive. Trade was important to this society. So was seacraft. Voyages linked Jutland and Scandia in one communicating web.13B. Cunliffe, Europe Between the Oceans(2008), pp. 213-221.

However the climate gradually deteriorated, bringing increasingly wetter and colder times to Jutland, culminating in so steep a decline in the decades around 700 BC that much agricultural land was abandoned and bog built up.14K.E. Barber et al, Late Holocene climatic history of northern Germany and Denmark: peat macrofossil investigations at Dosenmoor, Schleswig-Holstein, and Svanemose, Jutland, Boreas, vol. 33, no. 2 (2004), pp. 132-144. Pollen history reveals a similar picture in Southern Sweden. Around 500 BC forest encroached on areas that had long been farmland.15G.E. Hannon et al., The Bronze Age landscape of the Bjäre peninsula, southern Sweden, and its relationship to burial mounds, Journal of Archaeological Science, vol. 35, no. 3 (March 2008), pp. 623-632. Meanwhile an influence from eastern Sweden reached the southern Baltic shores in the Late Bronze Age, providing a clue to where some of the Scandinavian farmers were going.16A. Kaliff, Gothic Connections: Contacts between eastern Scandinavia and the southern Baltic coast 1000 BC– 500 AD, Occasional Papers in Archaeology 26, (Uppsala 2001).

Scandinavia was not utterly deserted in this period. Hunters and fishermen could survive where farming failed. The Saami even expanded. The original homeland of Proto-Saami is deduced to be southern Finland. Around 650 BC Kjelmøy ceramics spread west into Scandinavia, probably marking the arrival of the Saami-speakers.17A. Aikio, On Germanic-Saami contacts and Saami prehistory,Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuren Aikakauskirja/Journal de la Société Finno-Ougrienne, vol. 91 (2006), pp. 9-55. Between 400 AD and 1300 AD they lived over a larger area of Sweden than they do now.18Noel D. Broadbent, The search for a past: the prehistory of the indigenous Saami in northern coastal Sweden, in Vesa-Pekka Herva (ed.),People, Material Culture and Environment in the North: Proceedings of the 22nd Nordic Archaeological Conference, University of Oulu, 18-23 August 2004 (2006), pp. 13-25. Perhaps the Saami melded with hardy, hunting descendants of the Ertebølle who had never relinquished that way of life. That might explain why the Y-DNA haplogroup I1 is the second most common among the Saami. 19K. Tambets et al., The western and eastern roots of the Saami: The story of genetic outliers told by mitochondrial DNA and Y chromosomes, American Journal of Human Genetics, vol. 74, no. 4 (2004), pp. 661-682.

Farming continued on some dry ridges, but it seems that many farmers shifted southward.20S. Perdikaris, Pre-Roman Iron Age Scandinavia, in P.Bogucki and P.J. Crabtree (eds.), Ancient Europe 8000 BC–AD 1000:Encyclopaedia of the Barbarian World, Vol. I The Mesolithic to Copper Age (c.8000-2000 B.C.) (2004). If Germanic-speakers began spilling south out of Jutland, they would soon encounter the iron-working Celts expanding northwards. The Jastorf Culture seems to be the result. This was an Iron Age culture in what is now north Germany c. 600-0 BC. Though clearly evolving out of the Nordic Bronze Age, elements of the (Celtic) Halstatt Culture are detectable. This was probably the time in which Proto-Germanic borrowed the Celtic words for iron andking.21J.P. Mallory and Douglas Q. Adams,Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture (1997), pp. 321-2.

So Proto-Germanic in the end was crafted out of crisis. It seems that its final development was in the compact region of the Jastorf Culture. But by the time Tactitus wrote, Germania was far larger. The border between the Roman Empire and Germania was the river Rhine.22Cornelius Tacitus, Germany, chap.1. An expanding language tends to split into dialects, as the spread becomes too wide for constant communication. Eventually these dialects develop into separate languages.

Branches of the Germanic tree

The Germanic languages of Europe

The first language to split away was East Germanic.23D.A. Ringe, A Linguistic History of English: From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic (2006), p. 213. The Goths, Gepids, Vandals and Burgundians all seem to have spoken forms of East Germanic, though the only written record is of Gothic. Spreading gradually southward from the Baltic to the Black Sea or the Hungarian Plain, they bore the brunt of the attack as the Huns swept into Europe along the steppe. Most were pushed westward into Roman territory. Some of the scattered tribes wandered as far as Spain and North Africa in the search for new homelands. See the Goths and Vandals for more.

From 200 BC to 200 AD a warm, dry climate favoured cereal cultivation once more in Scandinavia.24S. Perdikaris, Pre-Roman Iron Age Scandinavia, in P. Bogucki and P.J. Crabtree (eds.), Ancient Europe 8000 BC–AD 1000: Encyclopaedia of the Barbarian World, Vol. I The Mesolithic to Copper Age (c. 8000-2000 B.C.) (2004). As farmers were enticed northward, the dialect that developed into Old Norse broke away from the core. Various attempts to date the split by glottochronology have yielded dates between 70 and 200 AD. It was recorded in runes from c. 300 AD onwards. By around 1000 AD Old Norse was dividing into eastern and western dialects that later evolved into the modern Scandinavian languages.25V. Blažek, On the internal classification of Indo-European languages: survey, Linguistica online (November 2005); J. P. Mallory and D. Q. Adams (eds.), Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture (1997), p. 22; O.W. Robinson, Old English and its closest relatives: a survey of the earliest Germanic languages(1994), p. 16 gives an earlier date (c. 150 AD) for the earliest runes.

During the Medieval Warm Period (c. 900-1200) Scandinavians thrived and spread by sea in a series of adventures, colonising Iceland and Greenland and even setting foot in North America.26B.Fagan,The Little Ice Age: How climate made history 1300-1850 (2000), chapter 1. Their raids into Europe gave them the feared name of Vikings. Yet they settled too from the British Isles to Russia.

Western Germanic evolved from the rump of Proto-Germanic, and began to split into separate strands with the migrations westward. The earliest split came around 400 AD as groups of Angles, Saxons and Jutes left for England, where Old English developed. German, Dutch and Frisian are among the other living languages on this branch.

Upper German is spoken in southern Germany, Austria and large parts of Switzerland; this whole region was once Celtic-speaking. Thus some of the most famous Celtic Iron-Age sites, including Hallstatt and La Tène, are now within the Upper German-speaking zone.

Franks and Anglo-Saxons

Rise of the Frankish Empire. Click to enlarge in pop-up window

The Franks were the Germanic people who gave France its name, while its language remained Romance, inherited from the Roman Empire. This makes an interesting contrast to England, which takes both its name (Angle-land) its language (Angle-ish) from its Germanic invaders. Why are these patterns so different?

The Franks conquered most of Roman Gaul without drastically disrupting its social structure. They inserted themselves as a new ruling class into the vacuum left by the collapse of Roman rule. They made use of the apparatus of Roman government. Christianity, established in the Late Roman period, continued to flourish unchecked. South of the Loire, descendants of the old Roman elites continued to run the estates acquired by their ancestors, in contrast to the collapse of the villa economy in England. Whereas in England urban life decayed, the Roman towns of Gaul retained at least a half-life under the Franks as the centres of bishoprics or secular government. This continuity helps to explain both the greater preservation of Roman monuments in France, and the preservation of the Romance language. By contrast the Anglo-Saxons created their own social structure. Their first settlements were scattered farmsteads. There is little sign of hierarchy until the 7th century, and then only a distinction between royal sites and others. Not that there was a sole ruler of England until centuries later. These early kings were local tribal leaders, just as likely to fight each other as to fight the Britons.27A. Woolf, Apartheid and Economics in Anglo-Saxon England, chapter 10 in N. Higham (ed.), Britons in Anglo-Saxon England(2007); P. Heather, Empires and Barbarians (2009), chap. 6: Franks and Anglo-Saxons.

The Frankish approach is similar to that of the Goths, who entered the Roman Empire in its time of strength. The Goths were familiar with the Roman system of government long before the opportunity came to take over part of the crumbling empire. They became Romanised. To what degree is this true of the Franks? The Franks do not appear in the record under that name until the late Roman period. Several tribes close to the Roman frontier were considered Franks by the Romans: the Ampsivarii, Bructerii, Chattuarii, Chamavi and Salii.28P. Heather, Empires and Barbarians (2009), p. 306. The Salii were bold enough to cross the border and settle at Toxiandria (a region between the Meuse and the Scheldt rivers in the present-day Netherlands and Belgium). Emperor Julian regularised the position by taking their surrender in 358 AD.29Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman History, 17. 8.3. As with the Goths, some Franks served in the Roman army. A few rose to top commands.30P. Heather, Empires and Barbarians (2009), p. 306.

By contrast the Germani entering Britain had no use for Roman ways. They initially ignored Roman towns and villas. Roman building methods ceased; those had been based on an imperial economy, generating a huge surplus income that could be poured into specialist labour. By contrast the homeland of the Anglo-Saxons was on the fringes of farming, where agricultural surplus was low. They were accustomed to building in timber.

Model of the Bronze Age settlement at Flögeln, Lower Saxony (Museum Burg Bederkesa). Click for details on the offical website

From the Bronze Age to the 7th century AD, the timber longhouse was the standard dwelling from southern Scandinavia to what is now northern Germany. The model shown left of a Bronze-Age settlement at Flögeln, Lower Saxony, includes a typical longhouse, which sheltered both cattle and people in separate sections. Houses at Flögeln gradually increased in average length from the first to the 5th centuries AD. It is a similar picture in Denmark. Germanic farmers were flourishing in an improving climate it seems. Yet between the 5th and 6th centuries there was a sudden reverse trend, with long-houses becoming shorter, and cattle being moved to a separate byre. This was just the time of the migrations. That partly explains why the traditional long-house did not arrive in Britain with the Saxons, though other types of Germanic building did. A more pressing reason would be simple lack of labour. Pioneers in a new land might find themselves short-handed.31H. Hamerow,Early Medieval Settlements: The archaeology of rural communities in North-West Europe 400-900 (2002), chapter 2. An early Anglo-Saxon village occupied 420-650 AD has been reconstructed at West Stow, Suffolk (below).

The reconstructed Early Anglo-Saxon village at West Stow, Suffolk. Click for details on the offical website

The Anglo-Saxon pattern suggests that migrants were bringing their families with them, and settling down to farm the land. Indeed an isotope study of the Anglian cemetery at West Heslerton, North Yorkshire, shows that both men and women were among the early settlers there.32J. Montgomery et al., Continuity or Colonization in Anglo-Saxon England? Isotope Evidence for Mobility, Subsistence Practice, and Status at West Heslerton,American Journal of Physical Anthropology, vol. 126 (2005), pp. 123–138. The very earliest arrivals in England may have been mercenaries invited by British leaders, as the 6th-century British author Gildas tells us, but by his day the weakness of post-Roman Britain had attracted a major thrust of Germani into eastern England. He wails that those Britons who were not slain or enslaved were pushed westwards into the mountains, or even overseas.33Gildas, De Excidio Britanniae, chapters 23-25. (The influx of Britons into Armorica changed its name to Brittany.) Bede famously said in the 8th century that so many Angles had moved to Britain that Angeln remained deserted even to his own day.34Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, I.15. He was reporting hearsay, but archaeological evidence does indicate a post-Roman fall in population in North-West Germany, along the Frisian coast and particularly in Schleswig-Holstein, the heartland of the Angles. People along the coast were flooded out by rising sea levels, but even inland the number of settlements decreased drastically.35H. Hamerow, Early Medieval Settlements(2002), pp. 108-10. So mass migration is indicated.

Octogon of the Palatine Chapel, Aachen Cathedral, built for Charlemagne 792-805, photographed by Max Greene. Click to enlarge in pop-up window

Even so we should not exaggerate the differences between the early Frankish domain and early Anglo-Saxon England. The Roman habit of erecting monumental stone buildings could not be sustained anywhere in the West in the new economic climate. It was not until Charlemagne forged an empire that the Franks could revive Roman building methods in the style known as Romanesque. By the end of the reign of Charlemagne in 814, other German-speaking regions had been added to that German-speaking core in Austrasia. As the Franks spread across Gaul, other Germanic tribes had spread south as far as present-day Austria and Switzerland. The Franks were initially content to be acknowledged as overlords of these regions, but Charlemagne drew them into the Frankish Empire, along with Saxony. Thus he united more of Europe than anyone had done since the fall of the Roman Empire. The Franks had welded together a Romance-speaking west to a German-speaking east, but it was not to last. The Eastern Frankish kingdom broke away in 911. Within present-day France, only Alsace is traditionally German-speaking.

Regional variation in France and England

The stark contrast between the modus operandi of the Anglo-Saxons and the Franks masks regional variation in both cases. The first areas to be taken over bear the hallmarks of a folk movement. Some later territorial acquisitions were governed more than settled. Across what is now northern France (c. 500 AD) and East Anglia, Lincolnshire and Yorkshire (c. 450 AD) we see the sudden appearance of a new type of burial. In these areas there are Germanic place-names. Such names extended over most of England by the time of the Domesday survey in 1068, though the degree of Anglo-Saxon settlement diminished towards the west, and Cornwall retained a Celtic language. The Anglo-Saxons had taken their conquest of England in stages. Their advance halted for a generation after the Battle of Badon, as Gildas tells us. In his day much of the west and north of the former Roman province remained British. That gave the Anglo-Saxons time to gain reinforcements from a continuing influx of Germanic settlers, as well as their own expanding population. When they pressed westwards once more in the 550s, they may have been taking advance of a British population depleted by plague.

In France we can credit the different state of affairs to Clovis, King of the Franks (c. 482-511 AD). This mighty leader was so successful in battle that he gained far more land than his people could settle. South of the Loire a late Roman society continued to flourish. In Northen France there was more social disruption. Yet it was the region of Gaul first won from the Romans by the Franks, decades before Clovis, that became German-speaking: or at least a large part of that territory between the Rhine and the Somme.36A. Woolf, Apartheid and Economics in Anglo-Saxon England, chapter 10 in N. Higham (ed.), Britons in Anglo-Saxon England(2007); P. Heather, Empires and Barbarians (2009), chap. 6: Franks and Anglo-Saxons, maps 11-12.

Origins in Jutland of the Angles, Saxons and Jutes

Both France and Britain gained another influx of Germanic blood from the Vikings, which complicates the genetic picture. Thus far genetic studies have been able to identify the input of Norwegian Vikings to Orkney and Shetland. It is more difficult to distinguish between Anglo-Saxons and Danish Vikings, since both came from Jutland. York was a Viking town, so it is no surprise to see the marked similarity of Y-DNA in York and Denmark. Yet the genetic impact of the Anglo-Saxons in England cannot be denied. Even today, after centuries of moving and mixing, that impact remains highest in East Anglia.37M.E. Weale, Y Chromosome Evidence for Anglo-Saxon Mass Migration, Molecular Biology and Evolution, vol. 19 (2002), pp. 1008-1021; C. Capelli et al., A Y Chromosome Census of the British Isles,Current Biology, vol. 13 (May 27, 2003), pp. 979–984; S. Goodacre et al., Genetic evidence for a family-based Scandinavian settlement of Shetland and Orkney during the Viking periods, Heredity, vol. 95 (2005), pp. 129–135. Ramos-Luis and colleagues found little difference in the Y-DNA signatures of a selection of regions of France, with two exceptions: Brittany and Alsace. Subclades of haplogroup R1b dominate all the tested regions, as with the rest of Western Europe. R1b-M269 is the most common, except in formerly German-speaking Alsace, where R1b-U152 is just a shade ahead in the sample. As we might expect, Alsace also beat other French regions in its level of U106, which tends to cluster within Germanic-language countries. Brittany on the other hand has a level of R1b-M269 twice as high as the other regions, but also has a higher level of haplogroup I1 (12%) than any of the other regions tested, which run from 3% to 8%. 38E. Ramos-Luis et al., Phylogeography of French male lineages, Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series, vol. 2 (2009), pp. 439–441; unpublished data from this study supplied by its authors. Brittany was only briefly subjugated by the Franks and provided a refuge for Britons fleeing the Anglo-Saxon advance. However Brittany was conquered by Vikings in 919. The level of haplogroup I1 found in Lower Normandy (11.9%) is effectively the same as that in Brittany.39S. Rootsi et al., Phylogeography of Y-Chromosome Haplogroup I Reveals Distinct Domains of Prehistoric Gene Flow in Europe, American Journal of Human Genetics, vol. 75 (2004), pp.128-137. Thus I1 would appear to be a Viking rather than Frankish signature in Brittany. In Britain the Western Isles, where Vikings settled, has almost as much I1 (18%) as Germany and Denmark (19%), though Norfolk - settled by Angles - is not far behind at 17%.40C. Capelli et al., A Y Chromosome Census of the British Isles, Current Biology, vol. 13 (May 27, 2003), pp. 979–984.

Just as R1b-U152 and R1b-U106 cluster together in Alsace, so they do in eastern Scotland and East Anglia. This may reflect succeeding waves of incomers carrying R1b-U152 from the Continent, all preferring the best arable land, the earliest in the Iron Age, but the later ones of Angle and Norse. The L2 subclade of U152 may prove helpful in distinguishing the Germanic migrants from earlier ones.41A. Moffat and J. Wilson, The Scots: A Genetic Journey (2011).

R1b-U106's subclade R1b-U198 is of particular interest. Its distribution is limited to Northern Denmark, out of the Scandinavian countries, and is highest (7%) in Northern England. It appears at lower levels (2-5%) in Germany and the Netherlands, and also South-East England.42N.M Myres et al., A major Y-chromosome haplogroup R1b Holocene era founder effect in Central and Western Europe, European Journal of Human Genetics, vol. 19 (2011), pp. 95–101. According to Bede, Kent was settled by Jutes from northern Jutland, while northern England (Northumbria) was settled by Angles from central Jutland. The low level of U198 in Denmark today may confirm to some extent his declaration that so many Angles had moved to England that their home territory was deserted.43Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, I.15.

Personal names

At the time of the Carolingian Empire and the Norman conquest of England, surnames in the modern sense were unknown. A person was simply identified by a personal name, bestowed at the font. We cannot even be sure that a personal name reflects ethnic origin. Carolingian estate surveys, mainly of monastic lands, give us the names of slaves and peasants in 9th-century France. The number of Germanic names such as Adalred and Hildebold is suspiciously high. This may reflect fashion, after generations of Frankish lords. Yet even then some names are clearly non-Germanic, such asElecteus a slave and his wife, a colona by the name of Landina, who are dependents of St-Germain, live at Neuillay. This is from the polyptyque (survey) of St-Germain-des-Prés (810), which is wonderfully detailed, giving names and family relationships.

Now and then it might be necessary to distinguish one person from others of the same name. This was done by a descriptive addition, referring to some striking personal quality (Robert le Gros), or occupation (Alfred the Steward), or father's name (Roger FitzRalph), or place of origin (John the Dane), or place of residence (Alstan of Boscome). There was no consistency in this and for centuries afterwards the same person might appear in different records with a different appellation. Only very gradually did hereditary surnames develop from such descriptors. Both in England and France the knightly class began to adopt dynastic names in the 12th century, in imitation of the barons. Surnames had filtered down to most English families by the end of 14th century.44D. Hey, Family Names and Family History(2000), pp. 31, 51-53; W.W. Kibler, Medieval France: an encyclopedia (1995), p. 510.

In 1066 England was full of men with Anglo-Saxon names such as Aethelfrith and Wulfward, recorded in the Domesday Book, but by the time of the lay subsidies (from 1275) the common names were William, John, Richard and Henry - the names of Norman and Plantagent kings. The Normans had brought into England Germanic names altered almost out of recognition. The Old English Hrēodbēorht(fame-bright) was replaced by the Old French version - Robert. After Christianity was adopted by Anglo-Saxons and Franks, personal names were also influenced by the Church. Saint's names and Biblical names appear, such as Adam and Thomas. By the Middle Ages one would scarcely know from personal names that the English were descended from Angles and Saxons at all.

Notes

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  1. Plutarch, The Lives, The Life of Marius, 11; Lucius Annaeus Florus, The Epitome of Roman History, book 1, chapter 38; Strabo, Geography, book 7, chapter 2, sections 1-2; Claudius Ptolemy, The Geography, book 2, chapter 10; Res Gestae Divi Augusti, chapter 26; Tacitus, Germania, 37; Pliny, Natural History, book 4, chapter 28;
  2. Julius Caesar, Gallic War, book 4; An alternative Roman name was Almanni.
  3. Tacitus, Germania, chapter 2.
  4. Ptolemy, The Geography, book 2, chapter 10.
  5. A. Moffat and J. Wilson, The Scots: A genetic journey (2011), pp. 181-3.
  6. N.M Myres et al., A major Y-chromosome haplogroup R1b Holocene era founder effect in Central and Western Europe, European Journal of Human Genetics, vol. 19 (2011), pp. 95–101; Fulvio Cruciani et al., Strong intra-and inter-continental differentiation revealed by Y chromosome SNPs M269, U106 and U152, Forensic Science International: Genetics, (advance online publication, 22 August 2010).
  7. Tacitus, Germania, chapter 4.
  8. Strabo, Geography, book 7, chapter 1.
  9. Maurice's Strategikon: handbook of Byzantine military strategy, trans. G.T. Dennis (1984), p. 119: The Light-Haired Peoples, such as the Franks, Lombards and others like them.
  10. Procopius, The History of the Wars, book 3, section 2, referring to the Goths, Goths, Vandals, Visigoths and Gepids.
  11. D. A. Ringe, A Linguistic History of English: From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic (2006), p.67.
  12. H. Vandkilde, A Review of the Early Late Neolithic Period in Denmark: Practice, Identity and Connectivity online in www.jungsteinsite.de 15 December 2005.
  13. B. Cunliffe, Europe Between the Oceans (2008), pp. 213-221.
  14. K.E. Barber et al., Late Holocene climatic history of northern Germany and Denmark: peat macrofossil investigations at Dosenmoor, Schleswig-Holstein, and Svanemose, Jutland, Boreas, vol. 33, no. 2 (2004), pp. 132-144.
  15. G.E. Hannon et al., The Bronze Age landscape of the Bjäre peninsula, southern Sweden, and its relationship to burial mounds, Journal of Archaeological Science, vol. 35, no. 3 (March 2008), pp. 623-632.
  16. A. Kaliff, Gothic Connections: Contacts between eastern Scandinavia and the southern Baltic coast 1000 BC – 500 AD, Occasional Papers in Archaeology 26, (Uppsala 2001).
  17. A. Aikio, On Germanic-Saami contacts and Saami prehistory, Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuren Aikakauskirja/Journal de la Société Finno-Ougrienne, vol. 91 (2006), pp. 9-55
  18. Noel D. Broadbent, The search for a past: the prehistory of the indigenous Saami in northern coastal Sweden, in Vesa-Pekka Herva (ed.), People, Material Culture and Environment in the North: Proceedings of the 22nd Nordic Archaeological Conference, University of Oulu, 18-23 August 2004 (2006), pp. 13-25.
  19. K. Tambets et al,The western and eastern roots of the Saami: The story of genetic outliers toldby mitochondrial DNA and Y chromosomes, American Journal of HumanGenetics, vol. 74, no. 4 (2004), pp. 661-682. The haplotype found among 9 out of 10 Saami I1 men (14 at DYS 19, 23 at DYS 390, 10 at DYS 391, 11 at DYS 392, 13 at DYS 393) seems closest to that common in haplogroup I1d, found predomimantly in Norway and Finland.See http://www.familytreedna.com/public/yDNA_I1/
  20. S. Perdikaris, Pre-Roman Iron Age Scandinavia, in P. Bogucki and P.J. Crabtree (eds.), Ancient Europe 8000 BC–AD 1000: Encyclopaedia of the Barbarian World, Vol. I The Mesolithic to Copper Age (c. 8000-2000 B.C.) (2004).
  21. J. P. Mallory and Douglas Q. Adams, Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture (1997), pp. 321-2.
  22. Cornelius Tacitus, Germany, chap.1.
  23. D. A. Ringe, A Linguistic History of English: From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic (2006), p. 213.
  24. S. Perdikaris, Pre-Roman Iron Age Scandinavia, in P. Bogucki and P.J. Crabtree (eds.), Ancient Europe 8000 BC–AD 1000: Encyclopaedia of the Barbarian World, Vol. I The Mesolithic to Copper Age (c. 8000-2000 B.C.) (2004).
  25. V. Blažek, On the internal classification of Indo-European languages: survey, Linguistica online (November 2005); J. P. Mallory and D. Q. Adams (eds.), Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture (1997), p. 22; O.W. Robinson, Old English and its closest relatives: a survey of the earliest Germanic languages (1994), p. 16 gives an earlier date (c. 150 AD) for the earliest runes.
  26. B. Fagan, The Little Ice Age: How climate made history 1300-1850 (2000), chapter 1.
  27. A. Woolf, Apartheid and Economics in Anglo-Saxon England, chapter 10 in N. Higham (ed.), Britons in Anglo-Saxon England (2007); P. Heather, Empires and Barbarians (2009), chap. 6: Franks and Anglo-Saxons.
  28. P. Heather, Empires and Barbarians (2009), p. 306.
  29. Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman History, 17. 8.3.
  30. P. Heather, Empires and Barbarians (2009), p. 306.
  31. H. Hamerow, Early Medieval Settlements: The archaeology of rural communities in North-West Europe 400-900 (2002), chapter 2.
  32. J. Montgomery et al., Continuity or Colonization in Anglo-Saxon England? Isotope Evidence for Mobility, Subsistence Practice, and Status at West Heslerton, American Journal of Physical Anthropology, vol. 126 (2005), pp. 123–138.
  33. Gildas, De Excidio Britanniae, chapters 23-25.
  34. Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, I.15.
  35. H. Hamerow, Early Medieval Settlements (2002), pp. 108-10.
  36. A. Woolf, Apartheid and Economics in Anglo-Saxon England, chapter 10 in N. Higham (ed.), Britons in Anglo-Saxon England (2007); P. Heather, Empires and Barbarians (2009), chap. 6: Franks and Anglo-Saxons, maps 11-12.
  37. M.E. Weale, Y Chromosome Evidence for Anglo-Saxon Mass Migration, Molecular Biology and Evolution, vol. 19 (2002), pp. 1008-1021; C. Capelli et al., A Y Chromosome Census of the British Isles, Current Biology, vol. 13 (May 27, 2003), pp. 979–984; S.Goodacre et al., Genetic evidence for a family-based Scandinavian settlement of Shetland and Orkney during the Viking periods, Heredity, vol. 95 (2005), pp. 129–135.
  38. Ramos-Luis et al., Phylogeography of French male lineages, Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series, vol. 2 (2009), pp. 439–441; unpublished data from this study supplied by its authors.
  39. S. Rootsi et al., Phylogeography of Y-Chromosome Haplogroup I Reveals Distinct Domains of Prehistoric Gene Flow in Europe, American Journal of Human Genetics, vol. 75 (2004), pp.128-137.
  40. C. Capelli et al., A Y Chromosome Census of the British Isles, Current Biology, vol. 13 (May 27, 2003), pp. 979–984.
  41. A. Moffat and J. Wilson, The Scots: A Genetic Journey (2011).
  42. N.M Myres et al., A major Y-chromosome haplogroup R1b Holocene era founder effect in Central and Western Europe, European Journal of Human Genetics, vol. 19 (2011), pp. 95–101.
  43. Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, I.15.
  44. D. Hey, Family Names and Family History (2000), pp. 31, 51-53; W.W. Kibler, Medieval France: an encyclopedia (1995), p. 510.

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